हम जो आज़ादी में विश्वास रखते हैं, तब तक चैन से नहीं बैठ सकते जब तक कि वह हासिल न हो जाए।
We who believe in freedom cannot rest until it comes.
We who believe in freedom cannot rest until it comes.
मैंने हमेशा यही सोचा है कि आज की सबसे बड़ी ज़रूरत ऐसे लोगों को तैयार करने की है, जिनकी दिलचस्पी नेता बनने में कम, बल्कि दूसरों में नेतृत्व की क्षमता विकसित करने में ज़्यादा हो।
I have always thought that what is needed is the development of people who are interested not in being leaders as much as in developing leadership in others.
I have always thought that what is needed is the development of people who are interested not in being leaders as much as in developing leadership in others.
उत्पीड़ित लोगों में, भले ही उनकी औपचारिक शिक्षा का स्तर कुछ भी हो, अपने आस-पास की दुनिया को समझने और उसकी व्याख्या करने, दुनिया को जैसी वह है वैसा देखने और उसे बदलने की दिशा में कदम बढ़ाने की क्षमता होती है।
Oppressed people, whatever their level of formal education, have the ability to understand and interpret the world around them, to see the world for what it is, and move to transform it.
Oppressed people, whatever their level of formal education, have the ability to understand and interpret the world around them, to see the world for what it is, and move to transform it.
जब तक अश्वेत पुरुषों और अश्वेत माताओं के बेटों की हत्या को देश के बाकी हिस्सों में उतना ही गंभीर नहीं माना जाएगा जितना कि एक श्वेत माता के बेटे की हत्या को माना जाता है, तब तक हम जो आज़ादी में विश्वास रखते हैं, तब तक चैन से नहीं बैठ सकते जब तक कि ऐसा न हो जाए।
Until the killing of black men, black mothers' sons, becomes as important to the rest of the country as the killing of a white mother's sons, we who believe in freedom cannot rest until this happens.
Until the killing of black men, black mothers' sons, becomes as important to the rest of the country as the killing of a white mother's sons, we who believe in freedom cannot rest until this happens.
याद रखें, हम केवल अश्वेतों की आज़ादी के लिए नहीं लड़ रहे हैं, बल्कि मानवीय आत्मा की आज़ादी के लिए लड़ रहे हैं—एक ऐसी व्यापक आज़ादी जो पूरी मानवता को समेटे हुए है।
Remember, we are not fighting for the freedom of the Negro alone, but for the freedom of the human spirit a larger freedom that encompasses all mankind.
Remember, we are not fighting for the freedom of the Negro alone, but for the freedom of the human spirit a larger freedom that encompasses all mankind.
आपने मुझे टेलीविज़न पर नहीं देखा होगा, मेरे बारे में कोई खबरें नहीं छपी होंगी। मैंने जिस तरह की भूमिका निभाने की कोशिश की, वह बिखरे हुए टुकड़ों को समेटने या ऐसे तिनके जोड़ने की थी जिनसे मुझे उम्मीद थी कि कोई संगठन बन सके। मेरा सिद्धांत है कि मजबूत लोगों को मजबूत नेताओं की ज़रूरत नहीं होती।
You didn't see me on television, you didn't see news stories about me. The kind of role that I tried to play was to pick up pieces or put together pieces out of which I hoped organization might come. My theory is, strong people don't need strong leaders.
You didn't see me on television, you didn't see news stories about me. The kind of role that I tried to play was to pick up pieces or put together pieces out of which I hoped organization might come. My theory is, strong people don't need strong leaders.
उजाला फैलाइए, और लोग खुद अपना रास्ता ढूंढ लेंगे...
Give light, and people will find the way...
Give light, and people will find the way...
गरीब और उत्पीड़ित लोगों के रूप में हमारे लिए एक ऐसी सार्थक समाज का हिस्सा बनने के लिए, जिसके तहत हम अभी जी रहे हैं, इस व्यवस्था में क्रांतिकारी बदलाव लाना होगा... इसका मतलब है एक ऐसी व्यवस्था का सामना करना जो आपकी ज़रूरतों के अनुकूल नहीं है, और ऐसे तरीके निकालना जिससे आप उस व्यवस्था को बदल सकें।
In order for us as poor and oppressed people to become part of a society that is meaningful, the system under which we now exist has to be radically changed... It means facing a system that does not lend its self to your needs and devising means by which you change that system.
In order for us as poor and oppressed people to become part of a society that is meaningful, the system under which we now exist has to be radically changed... It means facing a system that does not lend its self to your needs and devising means by which you change that system.
मैंने नियमों को तोड़ा नहीं, बल्कि उन्हें चुनौती दी।
I didn't break the rules, but I challenged the rules.
I didn't break the rules, but I challenged the rules.
हमारा मुख्य काम लोगों को यह समझाना था कि उनके पास एक ऐसी शक्ति है जिसका वे इस्तेमाल कर सकते हैं, और इसका इस्तेमाल तभी किया जा सकता है जब वे यह समझें कि क्या हो रहा है और कैसे सामूहिक कार्रवाई के ज़रिए हिंसा का मुकाबला किया जा सकता है।
The major job was getting people to understand that they had something within their power that they could use, and it could only be used if they understood what was happening and how group action could counter violence.
The major job was getting people to understand that they had something within their power that they could use, and it could only be used if they understood what was happening and how group action could counter violence.
मेरा सिद्धांत है, मजबूत लोगों को मजबूत नेताओं की ज़रूरत नहीं होती।
My theory is, strong people don't need strong leaders.
My theory is, strong people don't need strong leaders.
हमारी संस्कृति में यह खतरा भी रहता है कि जब किसी व्यक्ति को सार्वजनिक बयान देने के लिए बुलाया जाता है और व्यवस्था द्वारा उसकी सराहना की जाती है, तो वह व्यक्ति यह विश्वास करने लगता है कि वही पूरा आंदोलन है।
There is also the danger in our culture that because a person is called upon to give public statements and is acclaimed by the establishment, such a person gets to the point of believing that he is the movement.
There is also the danger in our culture that because a person is called upon to give public statements and is acclaimed by the establishment, such a person gets to the point of believing that he is the movement.
व्यवस्था को बदलने के इंतज़ार की प्रक्रिया में हमें जिन चीज़ों का सामना करना पड़ता है, उनमें से एक यह है कि हमें यह जानने के लिए कितना कुछ करना बाकी है कि हम कौन हैं, कहाँ से आए हैं और कहाँ जा रहे हैं।
One of the things that has to be faced is the process of waiting to change the system, how much we have got to do to find out who we are, where we have come from and where we are going.
One of the things that has to be faced is the process of waiting to change the system, how much we have got to do to find out who we are, where we have come from and where we are going.
मैंने हमेशा महसूस किया है कि उत्पीड़ित लोगों के लिए किसी नेता पर इतना अधिक निर्भर रहना एक कमज़ोरी है, क्योंकि दुर्भाग्य से हमारी संस्कृति में करिश्माई नेता आमतौर पर इसलिए नेता बन जाता है क्योंकि उसे जनता की नज़रों में चमकने का मौका मिल जाता है।
I have always felt it was a handicap for oppressed peoples to depend so largely upon a leader, because unfortunately in our culture, the charismatic leader usually becomes a leader because he has found a spot in the public limelight.
I have always felt it was a handicap for oppressed peoples to depend so largely upon a leader, because unfortunately in our culture, the charismatic leader usually becomes a leader because he has found a spot in the public limelight.
मैं जानती थी, सबसे पहली बात तो यह कि एस.सी.एल.सी. (SCLC) में नेतृत्व की क्षमता में मेरी कभी कोई भूमिका नहीं होगी। क्यों? पहली बात तो यह कि मैं एक महिला हूँ। दूसरी बात, मैं कोई पादरी (मिनिस्टर) नहीं हूँ। और तीसरी बात, मैं एक ऐसा इंसान हूँ जो महसूस करती हूँ कि मुझे कुछ हद तक अपनी व्यक्तिगत अखंडता को बनाए रखना होगा और इस बात का पैमाना खुद तय करना होगा कि क्या महत्वपूर्ण है और क्या नहीं।
I had known, number one, that there would never be any role for me in the leadership capacity with SCLC. Why? First, I'm a woman. Also, I'm not a minister. And second, I am a person that feels that I have to maintain some degree of personal integrity and be my own barometer of what is important and what is not.
I had known, number one, that there would never be any role for me in the leadership capacity with SCLC. Why? First, I'm a woman. Also, I'm not a minister. And second, I am a person that feels that I have to maintain some degree of personal integrity and be my own barometer of what is important and what is not.
मजबूत लोगों को मजबूत नेताओं की ज़रूरत नहीं होती।
Strong people do not need strong leaders.
Strong people do not need strong leaders.
मार्टिन [लूथर किंग] मूल रूप से—कम से कम उस दौर में जब मैं उनके सबसे करीब थी—ऐसे व्यक्ति नहीं थे जिनके साथ आप किसी बात पर बहस कर सकें, खासकर तब जब वह बहस उनके रुख की लगभग पूर्ण सच्चाई पर ही सवाल उठाती हो।
Martin [Luther King] wasn't, basically, the kind of person - certainly at the stage that I knew him closest - wasn't the kind of person you could engage in dialogue with, certainly, if the dialogue questioned the almost exclusive rightness of his position.
Martin [Luther King] wasn't, basically, the kind of person - certainly at the stage that I knew him closest - wasn't the kind of person you could engage in dialogue with, certainly, if the dialogue questioned the almost exclusive rightness of his position.
मैं ऐसे पारिवारिक माहौल से आई थी जहाँ लोगों के बीच उठना-बैठना और जुड़ाव था।
I came out of a family background that involved itself with people.
I came out of a family background that involved itself with people.
मुझे महसूस होने लगा कि मेरी सफलता का सबसे बड़ा पैमाना व्यक्तिगत रूप से स्थापित व्यवस्था (ए इस्टेब्लिशमेंट) द्वारा स्वीकार किया जाना नहीं, बल्कि आम जनता के स्तर को ऊपर उठाना होना चाहिए। इसलिए, इस तरह की व्यक्तिगत सोच, यहाँ तक कि थोड़ी बहुत क्रांतिकारी सोच के साथ मिलकर—क्योंकि एक समय में शांतिवादी आंदोलन (पैसिफिस्ट मूवमेंट) एक बहुत ही क्रांतिकारी विचार था।
I began to feel that my greatest sense of success would raise the level of masses of people, rather than the individual being accepted by the Establishment. So, this kind of personal thinking, combined with, say, even the little bit more radical thinking - because at one time the pacifist movement was a very radical concept.
I began to feel that my greatest sense of success would raise the level of masses of people, rather than the individual being accepted by the Establishment. So, this kind of personal thinking, combined with, say, even the little bit more radical thinking - because at one time the pacifist movement was a very radical concept.
मुझे लगता है कि अगर हम उनकी पृष्ठभूमि पर गौर करें तो इसके कुछ तर्क मिल सकते हैं। मार्टिन [लूथर किंग] एक अत्यधिक प्रतिस्पर्धी, अश्वेत, मध्यम वर्ग की पृष्ठभूमि से आए थे।
I think you can find some rationales for that if we look at the background out of which he came. Martin [Luther King] had come out of a highly competitive, black, middle-class background.
I think you can find some rationales for that if we look at the background out of which he came. Martin [Luther King] had come out of a highly competitive, black, middle-class background.
मैं नहीं जानती, सिवाय इसके कि इसका एकमात्र सीधा जवाब शायद यह है कि एस.सी.एल.सी. (SCLC) ने कभी कोई वास्तविक संगठनात्मक तकनीक विकसित ही नहीं की थी। मैंने हमेशा दोनों के बीच के फर्क को इस तरह समझाया है कि वे सिर्फ लोगों को जुटाने (मोबिलाइजेशन) का काम करते थे। और सच कहूँ तो, ऐतिहासिक तथ्यों के आधार पर, उनकी यह भीड़ जुटाने की प्रक्रिया आमतौर पर किसी और के द्वारा किए गए संगठन के प्रयासों पर टिकी होती थी। और उस चरण में, यह काम ज़्यादातर एस.एन.सी.सी. (SNCC) द्वारा किया गया था।
I don't know, except that the only simple answer, I think, is that SCLC [Southern Christian Leadership Conference] had never really developed an organizing technique. I've always characterized the difference in saying that they went in for mobilization. And, to be honest, in terms of the historical facts, their mobilization usually was predicated upon some effort at organizing by someone else. And, at this stage, it was largely SNCC.
I don't know, except that the only simple answer, I think, is that SCLC [Southern Christian Leadership Conference] had never really developed an organizing technique. I've always characterized the difference in saying that they went in for mobilization. And, to be honest, in terms of the historical facts, their mobilization usually was predicated upon some effort at organizing by someone else. And, at this stage, it was largely SNCC.
मोंटगोमरी के बहिष्कार (बॉयकॉट) की वर्षगांठ मनाई जा रही थी, और जो परचे छपे थे, जो भी साहित्य बांटा गया था, उसमें आंदोलन के बारे में या आंदोलन किस बात का प्रतीक था, उसने क्या किया था, इसके बारे में व्यावहारिक रूप से कुछ नहीं लिखा था, बल्कि वह केवल नेता, यानी [मार्टिन लूथर] किंग की चाटुकारिता मात्र था।
The anniversary of the Montgomery boycott was being celebrated, and the handbill that was out, and all whatever literature that was circulated, didn't say practically anything about movement or what the movement stood for, what it had done, or anything, but was simply adulation of the leader, you know, [Martin Luther] King.
The anniversary of the Montgomery boycott was being celebrated, and the handbill that was out, and all whatever literature that was circulated, didn't say practically anything about movement or what the movement stood for, what it had done, or anything, but was simply adulation of the leader, you know, [Martin Luther] King.
मेरा मानना है, एन.ए.ए.सी.पी. (NAACP) ने स्कूल प्रणाली के एकीकरण के संबंध में शिक्षा बोर्डों के पास याचिकाएँ दायर करने के लिए अश्वेत बच्चों के माता-पिता को संगठित करना शुरू किया था। मिसिसिपी और दक्षिण कैरोलिना में लोगों को बहुत गंभीर आर्थिक प्रतिशोध का सामना करना पड़ा था। इसलिए, क्लारेंडन काउंटी [दक्षिण कैरोलिना] और मिसिसिपी के कुछ हिस्सों में जिन लोगों को उनकी ज़मीन से बेदखल कर दिया गया था और जो अन्य परेशानियों से जूझ रहे थे, उनकी बुनियादी और आर्थिक ज़रूरतों को पूरा करने में मदद करने के लिए, हमने न्यूयॉर्क शहर में "इन फ्रेंडशिप" (In Friendship) नाम से एक संगठन बनाया।
I believe, the NAACP began to try to organize parents of Negro children to file petitions with the boards of education regarding the integration of the school system. You had some very severe economic reprisals against people in Mississippi and in South Carolina. So, in order to try to help to meet some of the physical needs and the economic needs of people in Clarendon County [SC] who had been displaced from the land, and otherwise, and in certain sections of Mississippi, we organized in New York City something called "In Friendship".
I believe, the NAACP began to try to organize parents of Negro children to file petitions with the boards of education regarding the integration of the school system. You had some very severe economic reprisals against people in Mississippi and in South Carolina. So, in order to try to help to meet some of the physical needs and the economic needs of people in Clarendon County [SC] who had been displaced from the land, and otherwise, and in certain sections of Mississippi, we organized in New York City something called "In Friendship".
मंदी के दौर में, मैं कुछ हद तक बेरोजगारों और उस समय के बेरोजगारों के संगठन से खुद को जुड़ा हुआ महसूस करने लगा।
During the Depression years, I began to identify to some extent with the unemployed, the organization for the unemployed at that period.
During the Depression years, I began to identify to some extent with the unemployed, the organization for the unemployed at that period.
मैं आश्वस्त हूँ कि यहाँ स्टेनली लेविसन के उन यहूदी उदारवादी ताकतों के साथ संबंधों के संदर्भ के बिना, जिन्होंने योगदान दिया था, मोंटगोमरी से जाने से पहले मुझे एक ऐसे योगदान की याद है। स्टेनली के साथ रियल एस्टेट व्यवसाय से जुड़े एक व्यक्ति ने युद्ध में अपना बेटा खो दिया था, और वह उसकी याद में कुछ करना चाहती थी। इसलिए, उसने कुछ धन उपलब्ध कराया जिसका उपयोग मोंटगोमरी के उभरते हुए नेतृत्व द्वारा किया जाना था। मुझे विश्वास है कि अन्य लोगों ने भी ऐसा किया होगा।
I'm sure, out of the context here of Stanley Levison's relationship with the Jewish liberal forces, that had made contributions. I remember one such contribution before they moved from Montgomery. An associate in the real estate business with Stanley had lost a son in the war, and she wanted to do something in memory of him. So, she made available certain monies to be used by the emerging leadership there in Montgomery. I'm sure other individuals did.
I'm sure, out of the context here of Stanley Levison's relationship with the Jewish liberal forces, that had made contributions. I remember one such contribution before they moved from Montgomery. An associate in the real estate business with Stanley had lost a son in the war, and she wanted to do something in memory of him. So, she made available certain monies to be used by the emerging leadership there in Montgomery. I'm sure other individuals did.
मेरा जन्म नॉरफ़ॉक, वर्जीनिया में हुआ था। मैंने वहीं पब्लिक स्कूल में अपनी पढ़ाई की पहली शुरुआत की। जब मैं 7 साल का था, तो मेरा परिवार वापस उत्तरी कैरोलिना चला गया। मैं उत्तरी कैरोलिना में ही पला-बढ़ा; और कॉलेज के स्तर तक की मेरी पूरी शिक्षा उत्तरी कैरोलिना में ही हुई।
I was born in Norfolk, Virginia. I began school there, the first year of public school. When I was 7, the family shifted back to North Carolina. I grew up in North Carolina; had my schooling through the college level in North Carolina.
I was born in Norfolk, Virginia. I began school there, the first year of public school. When I was 7, the family shifted back to North Carolina. I grew up in North Carolina; had my schooling through the college level in North Carolina.
मैंने कभी खुद को एक पेशेवर जीवन जीने वाला नहीं माना। लेकिन मूल रूप से, मेरा जीवन ऐसा ही रहा है।
I've never credited myself with a professional life. But, basically, it has been that.
I've never credited myself with a professional life. But, basically, it has been that.
व्यक्तिगत रूप से मुझे हमेशा ऐसा महसूस हुआ है कि एसोसिएशन [एनएएसीपी] खुद को उन चीजों में उलझा बैठा जिसे मैं इसकी कानूनी सफलताएँ कहता हूँ। इतनी सारी शानदार कानूनी सफलताएँ मिलने के बाद, ऐसा स्पष्ट रूप से लगने लगा था कि उसकी सोच इसी दिशा में केंद्रित हो गई है कि आगे बढ़ने और कुछ हासिल करने का एकमात्र तरीका अदालतें ही हैं।
I think personally, I've always felt that the Association [NAACP] got itself hung-up in what I call its legal successes. Having had so many outstanding legal successes, it definitely seemed to have oriented its thinking in the direction that the way to achieve was through the courts.
I think personally, I've always felt that the Association [NAACP] got itself hung-up in what I call its legal successes. Having had so many outstanding legal successes, it definitely seemed to have oriented its thinking in the direction that the way to achieve was through the courts.
स्टूडेंट नॉनवाइलेंट कोऑर्डिनेटिंग कमेटी (SNCC) का झुकाव राजनीतिक दिशा में अधिक था। SNCC के शुरुआती प्रयासों का मुख्य उद्देश्य केवल मतदाता पंजीकरण कराना ही नहीं, बल्कि राजनीतिक रूप से सक्रिय भागीदारी सुनिश्चित करना भी था।
Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee was more politically oriented. Part and parcel of the initial SNCC efforts was to not only go in for voter registration, but for political participation.
Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee was more politically oriented. Part and parcel of the initial SNCC efforts was to not only go in for voter registration, but for political participation.
मुझे नहीं लगता कि मोंटगोमरी का नेतृत्व उस स्थिति से उपजे अवसरों का पूरी तरह से लाभ उठाने के लिए तैयार था। निश्चित रूप से, वे इसके विस्तार के लिए कोई संगठित ढांचा विकसित करने की स्थिति में नहीं पहुँचे थे। इसलिए इस पर चर्चाएँ ज्यादातर यहीं ऊपर से शुरू हुईं।
I don't think that the leadership of Montgomery was prepared to capitalize, let's put it, on the projection that had come out of the Montgomery situation. Certainly, they had not reached the point of developing an organizational format for the expansion of it. So discussions emanated, to a large extent, from up this way.
I don't think that the leadership of Montgomery was prepared to capitalize, let's put it, on the projection that had come out of the Montgomery situation. Certainly, they had not reached the point of developing an organizational format for the expansion of it. So discussions emanated, to a large extent, from up this way.
57 की शुरुआती बैठक के बाद - जब मैं यहाँ ऊपर काम कर रहा था, किसी स्टाफ सदस्य के रूप में नहीं - तो एक अधिक स्पष्ट और संगठित कार्यालय की आवश्यकता महसूस हुई। उस समय तक स्थिति यह थी कि अलग-अलग जगहों पर बड़ी बैठकें होती थीं, और उन सबको एक सूत्र में पिरोने वाला कोई नहीं था। सब कुछ [मार्टिन लूथर] किंग और उनके आसपास के लोगों पर ही छोड़ दिया गया था।
After the '57 initial meeting - I was up this way working, not as a staff person - there became the need for a much more definite organized office. What you'd had prior to that time were these big meetings in different places, and there was nobody to pull anything together. Everything was left to [Martin Luther] King and the group that was around him.
After the '57 initial meeting - I was up this way working, not as a staff person - there became the need for a much more definite organized office. What you'd had prior to that time were these big meetings in different places, and there was nobody to pull anything together. Everything was left to [Martin Luther] King and the group that was around him.
शायद उस दौर में मुझमें भी वैसी ही महत्वाकांक्षा रही होगी जैसी दूसरों में होती है; यानी इस सोच पर आधारित कि यदि आपने प्रशिक्षण लिया है, तो यह दुनिया आपका इंतजार कर रही है ताकि आप एक खास तरह का नेतृत्व प्रदान कर सकें और आपको अवसर मिल सके। लेकिन मंदी के आने पर, मुझे यह समझ में आने लगा कि कुछ ऐसी सामाजिक ताकतें भी होती हैं जिन पर किसी व्यक्ति का बहुत कम नियंत्रण होता है।
I, perhaps, at that stage, had the kind of ambition that others may have had; you know, namely based on the concept that if you were trained the world was out there waiting for you to provide a certain kind of leadership and give you an opportunity. But with the Depression, I began to see that there were certain social forces over which the individual had very little control.
I, perhaps, at that stage, had the kind of ambition that others may have had; you know, namely based on the concept that if you were trained the world was out there waiting for you to provide a certain kind of leadership and give you an opportunity. But with the Depression, I began to see that there were certain social forces over which the individual had very little control.
उनका नाम माइकल आर. रॉस था। मुझे कभी पता नहीं चला कि उनके नाम में 'आर' किस लिए था। हालाँकि, मेरे 7 वर्ष के होने से पहले ही उनकी मृत्यु हो गई थी। लेकिन ऐसा लगता है कि उनके और मेरे बीच बहुत अच्छे संबंध थे। वह मुझे हमेशा 'ग्रैंडलेडी' कहकर बुलाते थे, और एक बच्चे की तरह नहीं बल्कि हमेशा एक समझदार इंसान की तरह मुझसे बात करते थे। इसलिए, मैं उनके साथ घोड़े और तांगे पर उनके रास्तों पर जाया करती थी। इसलिए, उनकी यादें मेरे मन में बहुत स्पष्ट हैं, और परिवार के किस्सों ने इन यादों को और भी गहरा कर दिया है।
His name was Michael R. Ross. I've never known what the "R" was for. He died, however, before I was 7. But he and I seemed to have had quite a nice relationship. He always called me grandlady, and he'd always talk to you as a person rather than as a child. So, I would go with him for his routes in his horse and buggy. So, my memory of him is pretty sharp, plus it has been accentuated by the stories that come out of the family.
His name was Michael R. Ross. I've never known what the "R" was for. He died, however, before I was 7. But he and I seemed to have had quite a nice relationship. He always called me grandlady, and he'd always talk to you as a person rather than as a child. So, I would go with him for his routes in his horse and buggy. So, my memory of him is pretty sharp, plus it has been accentuated by the stories that come out of the family.
मार्टिन [लूथर किंग] ऐसे व्यक्ति नहीं थे जो व्यवस्था की ताकतों का बहुत ज्यादा विरोध करते।
Martin [Luther King] wasn't one to buck forces too much.
Martin [Luther King] wasn't one to buck forces too much.
साउदर्न क्रिश्चियन लीडरशिप कॉन्फ्रेंस (SCLC) के साथ मेरा जुड़ाव उस प्रयास से कुछ पहले का है, जिसका हिस्सा हम न्यूयॉर्क शहर में 1954 के सुप्रीम कोर्ट के [ब्राउन बनाम बोर्ड ऑफ एजुकेशन] फैसले के बाद की प्रतिक्रिया के संदर्भ में बने थे।
My association with the Southern Christian Leadership Conference is sort of predated by an effort that we were a part of here in New York City regarding the reaction to this 1954 Supreme Court [Brown v Board of Education] decision.
My association with the Southern Christian Leadership Conference is sort of predated by an effort that we were a part of here in New York City regarding the reaction to this 1954 Supreme Court [Brown v Board of Education] decision.
जब मैं एसोसिएशन [नेशनल एसोसिएशन फॉर द एडवांस्मेंट ऑफ कलर्ड पीपल] में गया, तो मैंने चीजों को देखकर बहुत कुछ सीखा। एक बात जो मुझे हमेशा बहुत अजीब लगती थी, वह थी [वाल्टर व्हाइट] का लोगों पर प्रभाव जमाने का शौक, यहाँ तक कि उन आम लोगों पर भी जो कार्यालय में आते थे।
When I went to the Association [ National Association for the Advancement of Colored People] I learned a few things by observation. One of the things that used to strike me was [Walter White] need to impress people, even just people who came into the office.
When I went to the Association [ National Association for the Advancement of Colored People] I learned a few things by observation. One of the things that used to strike me was [Walter White] need to impress people, even just people who came into the office.
मुझे लगता है कि इसे समझाने का सबसे अच्छा तरीका यह होगा कि मैं इस बात को याद करूँ कि मैं महामंदी से ठीक पहले कॉलेज से बाहर निकला था और न्यूयॉर्क आया था।
I guess the best way to describe that would be to connect with the fact that I came out of college just before the big Depression, and I came to New York.
I guess the best way to describe that would be to connect with the fact that I came out of college just before the big Depression, and I came to New York.
मेरे ऐसे लोगों से अच्छे संबंध रहे थे जो कम्युनिस्ट पार्टी और अन्य सभी वामपंथी ताकतों से जुड़े थे, जिनका झुकाव हमेशा जन-आंदोलन की दिशा में होता था।
I had been friendly with people who were in the Communist party and all the rest of the Left forces, which were oriented in the direction of mass action.
I had been friendly with people who were in the Communist party and all the rest of the Left forces, which were oriented in the direction of mass action.
जब मैं मंदी के दौर से बाहर निकला, तो सफलता के मायने को लेकर मेरा दृष्टिकोण बदल चुका था। और यह बदलाव व्यक्तिगत सफलता के मामले में भी था।
When I came out of the Depression, I came out of it with a different point of view as to what constituted success. And that was even just even personal success.
When I came out of the Depression, I came out of it with a different point of view as to what constituted success. And that was even just even personal success.
[मार्टिन लूथर] किंग उन दो युवा पादरियों में से एक थे - और आप जानते हैं कि अश्वेत समुदाय आज भी नेतृत्व के लिए सीधे तौर पर पादरी वर्ग की ओर कितना देखता है।
[Martin Luther] King was one of the two young ministers - and you know how directly oriented the Negro community still is towards the minister as the leader.
[Martin Luther] King was one of the two young ministers - and you know how directly oriented the Negro community still is towards the minister as the leader.
मुझे लगता है कि रेवरेंड बोर्डर्स और जॉन वेस्ley डॉब्स जैसे लोगों को न चुनने के कारण मेरी समझ में बिल्कुल स्पष्ट थे: क्योंकि वे मूल रूप से उस स्थापित पद्धति के समर्थक थे जो सत्ता के ढांचे से टकराव मोल लेने के बजाय, विभिन्न तरीकों से रियायतें हासिल करने की कोशिश करती थी, यानी एक तरह का समझौतावादी नेतृत्व।
I think the reasons for not selecting persons like the Reverend Borders and John Wesley Dobbs were, in my book rather obvious reasons: because they were people who were basically oriented in the direction of the established method of not confronting the power structure, but trying to elicit concessions by various and sundry means of, well, let's call it accommodating leadership.
I think the reasons for not selecting persons like the Reverend Borders and John Wesley Dobbs were, in my book rather obvious reasons: because they were people who were basically oriented in the direction of the established method of not confronting the power structure, but trying to elicit concessions by various and sundry means of, well, let's call it accommodating leadership.
वाल्टर व्हाइट [लोगों को] इंतज़ार करवाते थे जबकि आपको ऐसा आभास होता था कि वह वॉशिंगटन के फ़ोन कॉल्स में बेहद व्यस्त हैं। मैंने ऐसे नज़ारे भी देखे हैं जहाँ उनका कोई आदमी उनके दफ़्तर से निकलकर सीधे स्विचबोर्ड ऑपरेटर के पास जाता था - जो उस समय उस जगह के बीच में होता था जहाँ लोग इंतज़ार करते थे - और कहता था कि फलाँ जगह पर फ़ोन लगाओ, या मिस्टर फलाँ-फलाँ से बात कराओ, इस तरह की दिखावटी बातें होती थीं, आप समझ सकते हैं।
[Walter White] had keep [people] waiting while you got the impression that he was terribly busy with calls to Washington. I've seen such exhibitions in that direction as having someone come out of his office to the switchboard operator - which at that time was sort of located in the center of wherever people were waiting - and ask to call such-and-such a place, or a call through to Mr. So-and-so, or somebody like this, you see.
[Walter White] had keep [people] waiting while you got the impression that he was terribly busy with calls to Washington. I've seen such exhibitions in that direction as having someone come out of his office to the switchboard operator - which at that time was sort of located in the center of wherever people were waiting - and ask to call such-and-such a place, or a call through to Mr. So-and-so, or somebody like this, you see.
अटलांटा में अपने इस छोटे से प्रवास के दौरान, मुझे यकीन है कि आपने देखा होगा कि पारिवारिक प्रतिष्ठा को लेकर मार्टिन [लूथर किंग] के पिता और जॉन वेस्ले डॉब्स के बीच कितनी बड़ी प्रतिस्पर्धा थी। आप जानते ही हैं, इस बात की शेखी बघारी जाती थी कि किसके बच्चे को पहले मास्टर डिग्री मिली और किसका बच्चा शायद पहला पीएच.डी. बना। ऐसी पृष्ठभूमि से आने के बाद, किसी महत्वपूर्ण आंदोलन के अध्यक्ष बनने की बात - या एक ऐसे आंदोलन का नेतृत्व संभालना जो एक खास प्रतिष्ठा का प्रतीक हो - ऐसी चीज़ है जिसे चाहकर भी आसानी से नकारा नहीं जा सकता।
In your short stay in Atlanta, I'm sure you saw that there was great competition between Martin's [Luther King] father and John Wesley Dobbs in terms of family status. You know, the bragging about whose child got a master's degree first and whose child, maybe, was the first Ph.D. Out of a background like that, the business of becoming a chairman of an important movement or a movement that symbolizes a certain amount of prestige is something you don't resist easily.
In your short stay in Atlanta, I'm sure you saw that there was great competition between Martin's [Luther King] father and John Wesley Dobbs in terms of family status. You know, the bragging about whose child got a master's degree first and whose child, maybe, was the first Ph.D. Out of a background like that, the business of becoming a chairman of an important movement or a movement that symbolizes a certain amount of prestige is something you don't resist easily.
जब तक आप मूल्यों की एक खास स्वायत्तता, मूल्यों की एक स्वतंत्र प्रणाली विकसित नहीं कर लेते, मूल्यों की एक ऐसी प्रणाली जो मान्यता पाने की इस मध्यमवर्गीय अंधी दौड़ से पूरी तरह स्वतंत्र हो। [मार्टिन लूथर किंग] की कुल मिलाकर भूमिका का यही मेरा स्पष्टीकरण रहा है। इसलिए, उन्होंने बिना किसी खास विरोध के इसे स्वीकार कर लिया। वास्तव में, मैंने कभी कोई विरोध नहीं देखा, जबकि कुछ मौकों पर मैं स्थिति को करीब से देखने के लिए काफी करीब था।
Unless you had developed a certain independence of value, a certain independent system of value, a system of values that was independent from this middle-class drive for recognition. This has been my explanation of part of [Martin Luther King] general role. So, he accepted this without too much resistance. In fact, none that I could ever see, and at certain points I was close enough to see something.
Unless you had developed a certain independence of value, a certain independent system of value, a system of values that was independent from this middle-class drive for recognition. This has been my explanation of part of [Martin Luther King] general role. So, he accepted this without too much resistance. In fact, none that I could ever see, and at certain points I was close enough to see something.
हमारे परिवार में जो किस्से सबसे ज्यादा सुनाए जाते हैं, उनमें से एक यह था कि मेरे नाना ने - मुझे नहीं पता कि किन शर्तों पर - पुरानी गुलामों की एक बहुत बड़ी plantation (बगान) का अनुबंध (ठेका) ले लिया था। उन्होंने खुद को, अपनी बहनों, भाइयों और चचेरे भाइयों आदि को पचास और साठ एकड़ के प्लॉटों पर बसा लिया था।
One of the stories that dominates our family literature was the fact that my maternal grandfather contracted for - I don't know under what terms - but, for a large section of the old slave plantation. He established himself - sisters and brothers, cousins, etc. on fifty- and sixty-acre plots.
One of the stories that dominates our family literature was the fact that my maternal grandfather contracted for - I don't know under what terms - but, for a large section of the old slave plantation. He established himself - sisters and brothers, cousins, etc. on fifty- and sixty-acre plots.
मोंटगोमरी में निक्सन ही कई सालों तक एकमात्र ऐसी ताकत थे जिन्होंने सत्ता की संरचना को चुनौती देने की दिशा में कोई भी प्रयास किया था। एड निक्सन को इसकी प्रेरणा 'ब्रदरहुड ऑफ स्लीपिंग कार पोर्टर्स' के साथ उनके संबंधों और रैंडोल्फ़ के जन-आंदोलन के दर्शन से मिलती है। इसलिए, एड निक्सन वास्तव में वही शक्ति थे जिन्होंने बहिष्कार (बॉयकॉट) का विचार सोचा और बहिष्कार के मूल दस्तावेज़ तैयार किए।
Nixon was the one force in Montgomery for a number of years that made any effort in the direction of challenging the power structure. Ed Nixon's source of direction for that comes out of his relationship with the Brotherhood of Sleeping Care Porters and the Randolph philosophy of mass action. So, Ed Nixon really was the force that conceived of the boycott and drew up the original papers for the boycott.
Nixon was the one force in Montgomery for a number of years that made any effort in the direction of challenging the power structure. Ed Nixon's source of direction for that comes out of his relationship with the Brotherhood of Sleeping Care Porters and the Randolph philosophy of mass action. So, Ed Nixon really was the force that conceived of the boycott and drew up the original papers for the boycott.
मैंने नॉरफ़ॉक, वर्जीनिया के शॉ यूनिवर्सिटी में पढ़ाई की, जिसे आज भी और उस समय भी उसी नाम से जाना जाता था। दरअसल, पब्लिक स्कूलों की सुविधाओं की कमी के कारण, मैंने अपनी पढ़ाई वहीं से शुरू की। मैंने हाई स्कूल स्तर से बोर्डिंग स्कूल में पढ़ना शुरू किया; बल्कि हाई स्कूल स्तर से एक साल पहले से ही।
I went to what is known as, and was at that time, too, Shaw University in Raleigh, North Carolina. In fact, because of the lack of public school facilities, I began there. I began boarding school at the high school level; in fact, a year below the high school level.
I went to what is known as, and was at that time, too, Shaw University in Raleigh, North Carolina. In fact, because of the lack of public school facilities, I began there. I began boarding school at the high school level; in fact, a year below the high school level.
वाल्टर व्हाइट उस दौर के सबसे बेहतरीन पालाबीर्स्ट (लॉबी करने वाले) में से भी एक थे।
[Walter White] was also one of the best lobbyist of the period.
[Walter White] was also one of the best lobbyist of the period.
मेरे उनके साथ कोई बहुत करीबी संबंध नहीं थे क्योंकि, [विलियम एडवर्ड बुर्हार्ड्ट] डुबोइस भले ही उतने अहंकारी न रहे हों - मुझे नहीं पता - लेकिन वह निश्चित रूप से मिलने में आसान व्यक्ति नहीं थे। मुझे लगता है कि हम में से जो युवा थे, उन्होंने गहरे विचारों में डूबे रहने की उनकी आदत का सम्मान किया। इसलिए, मैंने उनके साथ कोई रिश्ता बनाने की कोई कोशिश नहीं की। हालाँकि, उनका आना-जाना लगा रहता था।
I didn't have any close relationship with him because, although [William Edward Burghardt] DuBois may not have been as egocentric - I don't know - he certainly was not the easiest person to approach. I think, certainly, those of us who were younger sort of respected that in terms of his preoccupation with deep thoughts. So, I made no effort to establish any relationship with him. However, he was in and out then.
I didn't have any close relationship with him because, although [William Edward Burghardt] DuBois may not have been as egocentric - I don't know - he certainly was not the easiest person to approach. I think, certainly, those of us who were younger sort of respected that in terms of his preoccupation with deep thoughts. So, I made no effort to establish any relationship with him. However, he was in and out then.
मुझे लगता है कि पहला संगठित प्रयास जिसे नागरिक अधिकारों की दिशा में एक कदम माना जा सकता है, वह था 'यंग नेग्रोज़ कोऑपरेटिव लीग'। अब, इस बिंदु पर कुछ अंतर्विरोध भी सामने आ सकते हैं, क्योंकि इसे जॉर्ज शॉयलर के लेखों से बढ़ावा मिला था, जिन्हें इस समय एक कट्टर रूढ़िवादी माना जाता है, जहाँ तक मैं समझता हूँ।
I suppose that the first organized effort that might be considered something of civil rights was the Young Negroes' Cooperative League. Now, this offers certain contradictions at this point, perhaps, because it was stimulated by the writings of George Schayler who, at this point, is considered an arch-conservative, I understand.
I suppose that the first organized effort that might be considered something of civil rights was the Young Negroes' Cooperative League. Now, this offers certain contradictions at this point, perhaps, because it was stimulated by the writings of George Schayler who, at this point, is considered an arch-conservative, I understand.
मेरे दोनों माता-पिता उत्तरी कैरोलिना के वारेन काउंटी से थे। मेरी माँ को ऐसा लगता था कि नॉरफ़ॉक, वर्जीनिया की तुलना में उत्तरी कैरोलिना में अधिक संस्कृति है, इसके अलावा उन्हें वहाँ की निचली भूमि की जलवायु बिल्कुल पसंद नहीं थी।
Both my parents came from North Carolina, in Warren County. My mother had a feeling that there was greater culture in North Carolina than obtained in Norfolk, Virginia, plus the fact she just didn't like the lowland-lying climate there.
Both my parents came from North Carolina, in Warren County. My mother had a feeling that there was greater culture in North Carolina than obtained in Norfolk, Virginia, plus the fact she just didn't like the lowland-lying climate there.
एक खास बात जिसने मुझे बहुत प्रभावित किया, वह [एनएएसीपी] का एक आगंतुक था - मुझे लगता है - वह इंग्लैंड का प्रधानमंत्री नहीं था। हम तब 14वीं स्ट्रीट और फिफ्थ एवेन्यू पर थे, लकड़ी की बनी कई पुरानी सीढ़ियों के ऊपर, और वह वाल्टर [वाइट] से मिलने के लिए उन सारी सीढ़ियों को चढ़कर ऊपर आए थे, और मुझे लगता है कि यह मुख्य रूप से उस प्रभाव के कारण था जो एसोसिएशन उस समय बना रहा था।
One of the particular things that impressed me was one visitor [of NAACP] - I think it was - it wasn't the Prime Minister of England. We were located then on 14th Street and Fifth Avenue, up several flights of rickety stairs, and he came all the way up those stairs to see Walter [White], largely because of certain kinds of impact, I think, that the Association seemingly was having.
One of the particular things that impressed me was one visitor [of NAACP] - I think it was - it wasn't the Prime Minister of England. We were located then on 14th Street and Fifth Avenue, up several flights of rickety stairs, and he came all the way up those stairs to see Walter [White], largely because of certain kinds of impact, I think, that the Association seemingly was having.
सच कहूँ तो, मुझे लगता है कि यह शुरुआत SCLC के बजाय किसी और के शुरुआती कामों से उपजी थी। यदि आप अल्बानी को लें; मुझे नहीं पता कि आपको याद है या नहीं कि अल्बानी की शुरुआत कैसे हुई थी। वहाँ सबसे पहले दो छोटे लड़के गए थे। एक तो कॉर्डेल हल थे जो तब अपनी किशोर अवस्था में थे - कॉर्डेल हल नहीं - कॉर्डेल रीगन, जो नैशविले आंदोलन से आए थे, और चार्ल्स शेररॉड, जो रिचमंड, वर्जीनिया आंदोलन से जुड़े थे।
I think, to be honest, sort of emanated from the initial work of somebody else instead of SCLC. If you take Albany; I don't know whether you recall how Albany got started. There were two little guys who went up there first. One was Cordell Hull who was then in his teens - not Cordell Hull - Cordell Reagan, who came out of the Nashville movement, and Charles Sherrod, who came out of the Richmond, Virginia, movement.
I think, to be honest, sort of emanated from the initial work of somebody else instead of SCLC. If you take Albany; I don't know whether you recall how Albany got started. There were two little guys who went up there first. One was Cordell Hull who was then in his teens - not Cordell Hull - Cordell Reagan, who came out of the Nashville movement, and Charles Sherrod, who came out of the Richmond, Virginia, movement.
मेरा मानना है कि [गुन्नार] म्यर्दल का अध्ययन आ चुका था, और यदि हमारे पास सवाल उठाने के लिए और कुछ न भी होता, तो यह अध्ययन अपने आप में समझौतावादी नेतृत्व के मूल्य की दिशा में विचार को प्रेरित करने के लिए काफी था।
I believe, the [Gunnar] Myrdal study had been made, and if we hadn't had anything else to raise questions, this in itself would have been something to provoke thought in the direction of the value of accommodating leadership.
I believe, the [Gunnar] Myrdal study had been made, and if we hadn't had anything else to raise questions, this in itself would have been something to provoke thought in the direction of the value of accommodating leadership.
32 में हमने 'यंग नेग्रोज़ कोऑपरेटिव लीग' का गठन किया और देश के विभिन्न हिस्सों में दुकानें और निश्चित रूप से खरीद क्लब (बाइंग क्लब्स) स्थापित करने के मामले में कुछ हद तक सफलता प्राप्त की। मुझे - मुझे ठीक से याद नहीं कि किस पद पर - शायद निदेशक के रूप में नियुक्त किया गया था। मुझे पक्का नहीं पता कि वह पद क्या था, लेकिन उसका काम आवश्यक डाक और संगठन से जुड़ी बाकी सभी चीजों को संभालना था।
In '32 we organized the Young Negroes' Cooperative League and had some degree of success in terms of establishing stores and certainly buying clubs in various sections of the country. I was designated as - I don't know what exactly - I believe it was director. I'm not sure what it was, but it had to do with getting out the necessary mail and all of that - organization.
In '32 we organized the Young Negroes' Cooperative League and had some degree of success in terms of establishing stores and certainly buying clubs in various sections of the country. I was designated as - I don't know what exactly - I believe it was director. I'm not sure what it was, but it had to do with getting out the necessary mail and all of that - organization.
मेरी माँ लिटिलटन के पब्लिक स्कूलों में मुझे मिली अंग्रेजी शिक्षा से बहुत संतुष्ट नहीं थीं। इसलिए उन्होंने इस बात पर जोर दिया कि मैं हाई स्कूल के स्तर से एक साल नीचे की पढ़ाई फिर से करूँ। इस प्रकार, मैं नौ साल तक बोर्डिंग स्कूल में रही।
My mother didn't feel very satisfied about the English background that I had received in the public schools in Littleton. So, she insisted that I take a year under the high school level. So, I was in boarding school nine years.
My mother didn't feel very satisfied about the English background that I had received in the public schools in Littleton. So, she insisted that I take a year under the high school level. So, I was in boarding school nine years.
सहकारी लीग के बाद, मंदी के इतने लंबे समय तक खिंचे रहने के कारण, जिसे आप पेशेवर रिश्ता कहते हैं, उसके तहत अगला कदम नेशनल एसोसिएशन फॉर द एडवांस्मेंट ऑफ़ कलर्ड पीपल [NAACP] से जुड़ना था। मैं वहाँ सहायक फील्ड सेक्रेटरी के रूप में गया, और इसी तरह आगे बढ़ा। इसलिए, मुझे लगता है कि वह मेरा पहला संगठित कदम था।
From the Cooperative League, I suppose, with the Depression lingering as long as it did, the next step in terms of, as you call it, professional relationship, was to go to the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People [NAACP]. I went there as an assistant field secretary, and so forth. So, I suppose that was the first organized step.
From the Cooperative League, I suppose, with the Depression lingering as long as it did, the next step in terms of, as you call it, professional relationship, was to go to the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People [NAACP]. I went there as an assistant field secretary, and so forth. So, I suppose that was the first organized step.
मुझे लगता है कि वाल्टर [व्हाइट] का पूरा जीवन-वृत्त भारी अहंकार का प्रतीक है। शायद उदारता दिखाते हुए आपको यह कहना पड़े कि वह अपने समय की उपज थे, जो कि संगठनात्मक हितों के नाम पर खुद को आगे बढ़ाने और पेश करने का दौर था।
I think that Walter's [White] whole career is indicative of a large degree of egocentricity. Perhaps to be generous, you would have to say that he was a product of his period, which was that of self-projection in the name of organizational interest.
I think that Walter's [White] whole career is indicative of a large degree of egocentricity. Perhaps to be generous, you would have to say that he was a product of his period, which was that of self-projection in the name of organizational interest.