और आप ऊपर से थोपी गई, किसी सर्वज्ञानी नेता या नेताओं के समूह द्वारा चलाई जाने वाली कोई समाजवादी क्रांति नहीं ला सकते।
And you cannot have a socialist revolution commandeered from the top, ordered around by some omniscient leader or group of leaders
And you cannot have a socialist revolution commandeered from the top, ordered around by some omniscient leader or group of leaders
गुटबाजी किसी भी पार्टी में बीमारी की निशानी होती है।
Factions are a sign of illness in a party.
Factions are a sign of illness in a party.
मार्क्स के लिए 'शुद्ध' आर्थिक सिद्धांत, यानी ऐसा आर्थिक सिद्धांत जो किसी विशिष्ट सामाजिक ढांचे को नजरअंदाज करता हो, असंभव है।
For Marx, 'pure' economic theory, that is economic theory which abstracts from a specific social structure, is impossible.
For Marx, 'pure' economic theory, that is economic theory which abstracts from a specific social structure, is impossible.
हमारे लिए, मार्क्सवाद हमेशा खुला हुआ है क्योंकि हमेशा नए अनुभव होते हैं, हमेशा नए तथ्य होते हैं, जिनमें अतीत के तथ्य भी शामिल हैं, जिन्हें वैज्ञानिक समाजवाद के दायरे में शामिल किया जाना चाहिए।
For us, Marxism is always open because there are always new experiences, there are always new facts, including facts about the past, which have to be incorporated in the corpus of scientific socialism.
For us, Marxism is always open because there are always new experiences, there are always new facts, including facts about the past, which have to be incorporated in the corpus of scientific socialism.
मैं खुद को घोषित करने वाली पार्टियों में विश्वास नहीं करता।
I do not believe in self-proclaimed parties.
I do not believe in self-proclaimed parties.
मार्क्सवाद हमेशा खुला, हमेशा आलोचनात्मक और हमेशा आत्म-आलोचनात्मक होता है।
Marxism is always open, always critical, always self-critical.
Marxism is always open, always critical, always self-critical.
गलतियाँ अपने आप में अनिवार्य हैं।
Mistakes in themselves are unavoidable.
Mistakes in themselves are unavoidable.
केवल तभी जब आप दुनिया के तीन क्षेत्रों (जिन्हें विश्व क्रांति के तीन क्षेत्र भी कहा जाता है) में वास्तविक जनता द्वारा किए गए ठोस संघर्षों के अनुभवों को एक साथ लाते हैं, तभी आपको विश्व की वास्तविकता का एक समग्र और सही दृष्टिकोण प्राप्त होता है।
Only if you bring together the experience of the concrete struggles conducted by the real masses in the three sectors of the world (which are also called the three sectors of world revolution), then you have an overall, correct view of world reality.
Only if you bring together the experience of the concrete struggles conducted by the real masses in the three sectors of the world (which are also called the three sectors of world revolution), then you have an overall, correct view of world reality.
केवल क्रांतिकारी संकट की स्थितियों में ही आपको स्व-संगठन का उच्चतम स्तर प्राप्त होता है; यह सोवियत प्रकार का संगठन है, यानी श्रमिकों की परिषदें, पीपुल्स काउंसिल, इन्हें जो चाहें कहें, जन समितियां।
Only under conditions of revolutionary crises do you have the highest level of self-organization; this is the Soviet type of organization, which is to say, workers' councils, people's councils, call them what you want, popular committees.
Only under conditions of revolutionary crises do you have the highest level of self-organization; this is the Soviet type of organization, which is to say, workers' councils, people's councils, call them what you want, popular committees.
इसके विपरीत, इतिहास आम तौर पर इस बात की पुष्टि करता है कि आप जितने अधिक जागरूक होंगे और अग्रदूत संगठनों (वैंगार्ड ऑर्गेनाइजेशन्स) में जितने बेहतर तरीके से संगठित होंगे, आप श्रमिक वर्ग के जन संगठनों में उतने ही रचनात्मक रूप से काम करेंगे।
On the contrary, history generally confirms that the more conscious and the better you are organized in vanguard organizations, the more constructively you operate in the mass organizations of the working class.
On the contrary, history generally confirms that the more conscious and the better you are organized in vanguard organizations, the more constructively you operate in the mass organizations of the working class.
समय-समय पर, मजदूर बुर्जुआ समाज के खिलाफ विद्रोह करते हैं, सौ, पांच सौ या एक हजार नहीं, बल्कि लाखों की संख्या में।
Periodically, the workers do revolt against bourgeois society, not by a hundred, five hundred, or a thousand, but by the millions.
Periodically, the workers do revolt against bourgeois society, not by a hundred, five hundred, or a thousand, but by the millions.
ठीक इसी कारण से कि मार्क्स इस बात से आश्वस्त थे कि सर्वहारा वर्ग का संघर्ष पूरी मानवता के भविष्य के लिए निर्णायक महत्व रखता है, वे उस संघर्ष के लिए बयानबाजी यारी यारी इच्छाधारी सोच का कोई कमजोर मंच नहीं बनाना चाहते थे, बल्कि वैज्ञानिक सत्य की चट्टान जैसी मजबूत नींव रखना चाहते थे।
Precisely because Marx was convinced that the cause of the proletariat was of decisive importance for the whole future of mankind, he wanted to create for that cause not a flimsy platform of rhetorical invective or wishful thinking, but the rock-like foundation of scientific truth.
Precisely because Marx was convinced that the cause of the proletariat was of decisive importance for the whole future of mankind, he wanted to create for that cause not a flimsy platform of rhetorical invective or wishful thinking, but the rock-like foundation of scientific truth.
क्रांति एक साधन है, ठीक वैसे ही जैसे पार्टी एक साधन है।
Revolution is an instrument, like a party is an instrument.
Revolution is an instrument, like a party is an instrument.
क्रांति अपने आप में कोई लक्ष्य नहीं है।
Revolution is not a goal in itself.
Revolution is not a goal in itself.
समाजवादी लोकतंत्र कोई विलासिता नहीं है और इसकी आवश्यकता केवल सबसे उन्नत औद्योगिक देशों तक ही सीमित नहीं है।
Socialist democracy is not, a luxury and its need is not limited to the most advanced industrial countries.
Socialist democracy is not, a luxury and its need is not limited to the most advanced industrial countries.
समाजवादी लोकतंत्र कोई विलासिता नहीं बल्कि पूंजीवाद को उखाड़ फेंकने और समाजवाद के निर्माण के लिए एक परम, अनिवार्य आवश्यकता है।
Socialist democracy is not a luxury but an absolute, essential necessity for overthrowing capitalism and building socialism.
Socialist democracy is not a luxury but an absolute, essential necessity for overthrowing capitalism and building socialism.
आपके संगठन में जितने अधिक मजदूर होंगे, श्रमिक वर्ग में आपकी जड़ें उतनी ही गहरी होंगी, और आपके लिए इस वर्ग की वास्तविक समस्याओं को सामने लाने की संभावना उतनी ही अधिक होगी।
The more workers you have in your organization, the better you are implanted in the working class, the more likely you are to come up with the concrete problems of the class.
The more workers you have in your organization, the better you are implanted in the working class, the more likely you are to come up with the concrete problems of the class.
वास्तविक ऐतिहासिक आंदोलन से आप केवल यही निष्कर्ष निकाल सकते हैं कि कुल मिलाकर, रोजमर्रा की जिंदगी में, जिसे लेनिन ने ट्रेड यूनियन चेतना कहा है, वही श्रमिक वर्ग पर हावी रहती है। मैं इसे श्रमिक वर्ग की शुरुआती वर्गीय चेतना कहूंगा।
The only conclusion you can draw from the real historical movement is that by and large, in day-to-day life, what Lenin called trade union consciousness dominates the working class. I would call it elementary class consciousness of the working class.
The only conclusion you can draw from the real historical movement is that by and large, in day-to-day life, what Lenin called trade union consciousness dominates the working class. I would call it elementary class consciousness of the working class.
ऐसी कोई परिस्थिति नहीं है जिसमें हम पूरे वर्ग के हितों को किसी संप्रदाय, किसी समूह या किसी अलग संगठन के हितों के अधीन कर दें।
There are no conditions in which we subordinate the interests of the class as a whole to the interests of any sect, any chapel, any separate organization.
There are no conditions in which we subordinate the interests of the class as a whole to the interests of any sect, any chapel, any separate organization.
1917 के बाद से, और एक निश्चित अर्थ में 1905 के बाद से, शायद ही ऐसा कोई वर्ष बीता हो जब दुनिया में कहीं न कहीं कोई ऐसी क्रांति न हुई हो जिसमें मजदूरों ने काफी महत्वपूर्ण तरीके से भाग लिया हो।
There has been hardly a single year since 1917, and in a certain sense since 1905, without a revolution somewhere in the world in which the workers participated in a rather important way.
There has been hardly a single year since 1917, and in a certain sense since 1905, without a revolution somewhere in the world in which the workers participated in a rather important way.
वास्तविक श्रमिक वर्ग के भीतर हर समय सामाजिक और राजनीतिक भिन्नता की प्रक्रिया चलती रहती है।
There is a process of social and of political differentiation going on in the real working class all the time.
There is a process of social and of political differentiation going on in the real working class all the time.
मजदूर हर रोज हड़ताल नहीं करते, वे उस तरह से काम नहीं कर सकते जैसे वे पूंजीवादी अर्थव्यवस्था में करते हैं। अपनी श्रम शक्ति को बेचकर उन्हें जिस तरह से जीना पड़ता है, वह इसे असंभव बनाता है।
Workers do not strike every day, they cannot do that the way they function in the capitalist economy. The way they have to live by selling their labor power makes that impossible.
Workers do not strike every day, they cannot do that the way they function in the capitalist economy. The way they have to live by selling their labor power makes that impossible.
आप वर्गीय उग्रता (मिलिटेंसी) के अपेक्षाकृत निचले स्तर के साथ भी वर्गीय चेतना के अपेक्षाकृत उच्च स्तर पर हो सकते हैं।
You can have relatively high levels of class consciousness with a lower level of class militancy than one would have expected.
You can have relatively high levels of class consciousness with a lower level of class militancy than one would have expected.
आप वास्तव में प्रयास किए बिना समाजवादी क्रांति नहीं कर सकते।
You cannot make a socialist revolution without really trying.
You cannot make a socialist revolution without really trying.
वर्गीय उग्रता और वर्गीय चेतना के असमान विकास के कारण उत्पन्न होने वाली खतरनाक संभावनाओं से पार पाने के लिए आपको एक अग्रदूत संगठन (वैंगार्ड ऑर्गनाइजेशन) की आवश्यकता होती है।
You need a vanguard organization in order to overcome the dangerous potential brought about by the uneven development of class militancy and class consciousness.
You need a vanguard organization in order to overcome the dangerous potential brought about by the uneven development of class militancy and class consciousness.